THE American CRISIS. NUMBER II. BY THE AUTHOR OF COMMON SENSE. PHILADELPHIA: Printed and Sold by STYNER and CIST, in Second-street, six doors above Arch-street. January 13, 1777 TO LORD HOWE. "What's in the name of LORD that I should fear, "To bring my grievance to the public ear. CHURCHILL. UNIVERSAL empire is the prerogative of a writer. His concerns are with all mankind, and though he cannot command their obedience, he can assign them their duty. The Republic of Letters is more ancient than monarchy, and of far higher character in the world than the vassal court of Britain; he that re∣bels against reason is a real rebel, but he that in defence of reason, rebels against tyranny, has a better title to "DE∣FENDER OF THE FAITH" than George the Third. AS a military man your Lordship may hold out the sword of war, and call it the "ULTIMA RATIO RE∣GUM:" The last Reason of Kings; we in return can show you the sword of justice, and call it, The best Scourge of Tyrants. The first of these two may threaten, or even frighten, for a while, and cast a sickly languor over an insulted people, but reason will soon recover the de∣bauch, and restore them again to tranquil fortitude. Your Lordship, I find, has now commenced author and pub∣lished a proclamation; I too have published a crisis; as they stand, they are the antipodes of each other; both can∣not rise at once, and one of them must descend: And so quick is the revolution of things, that your Lordship's performance, I see, has already fallen many degrees from its first place, and is now just visible on the edge of the political horizon. IT is surprising to what pitch of infatuation blind folly and obstinacy will carry mankind, and your Lordship's drowsy proclamation is a proof that it does not even quit them in their sleep. Perhaps you thought America too was taking a nap, and therefore, chose, like satan to Eve, to whisper the delusion softly, lest you should awaken her. This Continent, Sir, is too extensive to sleep all at once, and too watchful, even in its slumbers, not to startle at the unhallowed foot of an invader. You may issue your proclamations, and welcome, for we have learned to "re∣verence ourselves" and scorn the insulting ruffian that em∣ploys you. America for your deceased brother's sake would gladly have shown you respect, and it is a new aggravation to her feelings that Howe  should be forgetful, and raise his sword against those, who at their own charge raised a mo∣nument to his brother. But your master has commanded, and you have not enough of nature left to refuse. Surely! there must be something strangely degenerating in the love of monarchy, that can so completely wear a man down to an ingrate, and make him proud to lick the dust that kings have trod upon. A few more years, should you survive them, will bestow on you the title of an old man, and in some hour of future reflection you may probably find the fitness of Woolsey's despairing penitence, Had I served my God as faithfully as I have served my king, he would not thus have forsaken me in my old age. THE character you appear to us in is truly ridiculous. Your friends, the Tories, announced your coming with high descriptions of your unlimited powers; but your pro∣clamation has given them the lie, by shewing you to be a Commissioner without authority. Had your powers been ever so great, they were nothing to us, farther than we pleased; because we had the same right which other na∣tions had, to do what we thought was best. "THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA," will sound as pompously in the world or in history as "The Kingdom of Great-Britain;" The character of General Washington will fill a page with as much lustre as that of Lord Howe; and the Congress have as much right to command the King and Parliament of London, to desist from legislation, as they or you have to command the Congress. Only suppose how laughable such an edict would appear from us, and then, in that merry mood, do but turn the tables upon yourself, and you will see how your proclamation is received here. Having thus placed you in a proper position in which you may have a full view of folly and learn to despise it, I hold up to you, for that purpose, the following quotation from your own lunarian proclamation "And We (Lord Howe and General Howe) "do command, (and in his Ma∣jesty's name forsooth) all such persons as are assembled to∣gether under the name of general or provincial Con∣gresses, Committees, Conventions, or other Associa∣tions, by whatever name or names known or distin∣guished, to desist and cease from all such treasonable actings and doings. YOU introduce your proclamation by referring to your declarations of the 14th of July and 19th of September. In the last of these, you sunk yourself below the character of a private gentleman. That I may not seem to accuse you unjustly I shall state the circumstance: By a verbal invita∣tion of yours communicated to Congress by General Sul∣livan, then a prisoner on his parole, you signified your desire of conferring with some members of that body as private gentlemen. It was beneath the dignity of the Ame∣rican Congress to pay any regard to a message that at best was but a genteel affront, and had too much of the ministerial complexion of tampering with private per∣sons; and which might probably have been the case, had the gentlemen who were deputed on that business, possessed that easy kind of virtue which an English courtier is so truly distinguished by. Your request however was com∣plied with, for honest men are naturally more tender of their civil than their political fame. The interview ended as every sensible man thought it would; for your Lordship knows, as well as the writer of the Crisis, that it is im∣possible for the king of England to promise the repeal, or even the revisal, of any acts of parliament; wherefore, on your part, you had nothing to say, more than to request, in the room of demanding, the entire surrender of the Conti∣nent; and then, if that was complied with, to promise that the inhabitants should escape with their lives. This was the upshot of the conference. You informed the conferees that you were two months in soliciting these powers. We ask, what powers? for as Commissioner you have none. If you mean the power of pardoning, it is an oblique proof that your master was determined to sacrifice all before him; and that you were two months in dissuading him from his purpose. Another evidence of his savage obstinacy! From your own account of the matter we may justly draw these two conclusions; first, that you serve a monster; and se∣condly, that never was a commissioner sent on a more foolish errand than yourself. This plain language may perhaps sound uncoothly to an ear viciated by courtly refine∣ments; but words were made for use, and the fault lies in deserving them, or the abuse in applying them unfairly. SOON after your return to New-York you published a very illiberal and unmanly hand bill against the Congress; for it was certainly stepping out of the line of common ci∣vility, first to screen your national pride by soliciting an interview with them as private gentlemen, and in the con∣clusion to endeavour to deceive the multitude by making an hand bill attack on the whole body of the Congress; you got them together under one name, and abused them under another. But the king you serve and the cause you sup∣port afford you so few instances of acting the gentleman, that out of pity to your situation the Congress pardoned the insult by taking no notice of it. YOU say in that hand bill, that they, the Congress, disavowed every purpose for reconciliation not consonant with their extravagant and inadmissible claim of Inde∣pendence.  Why, God bless me! what have you to do with our Independence? we ask no leave of yours to set it up; we ask no money of yours to support it; we can do better without your fleets and armies than with them; you may soon have enough to do to protect yourselves without being burthened with us. We are very willing to be at peace with you, to buy of you and sell to you, and, like young beginners in the world, to work for our own living; therefore, why do you put yourselves out of cash, when we know you cannot spare it, and we do not desire you to run into debt? I am willing, Sir, you should see your fol∣ly in every view I can place it, and for that reason descend sometimes to tell you in jest what I wish you to see in ear∣nest. But to be more serious with you, why do you say "their" Independence? To set you right, Sir, we tell you, that the Independency is ours not theirs. The Con∣gress were authorised by every State on the Continent to publish it to all the world, and in so doing are not to be considered as the inventors, but only as the heralds that proclaimed it, or the office from which the sense of the peo∣ple received a legal form; and it was as much as any or all their heads were worth, to have treated with you on the subject of submission under any name whatever. But we know the men in whom we have trusted; can England say the same of her parliament? I come now more particularly to your proclamation of the 30th of November last. Had you gained an entire con∣quest over all the armies of America, and then put forth a proclamation, offering (what you call) mercy, your conduct would have had some specious show of humanity; but to creep by surprise into a province, and there endeavour to terrify and seduce the inhabitants from their just al∣legiance to the rest by promises, which you neither meant nor were able to fulfil, is both cruel and unmanly: Cruel in its effects; because, unless you can keep all the ground you have marched over, how are you, in the words of your proclamation, to secure to your proselytes "the en∣joyment of their property?" What are to become either of your new adopted subjects, or your old friends the To∣ries, in Burlington, Bordentown, Trenton, Mountholly, and many other places, where you proudly lorded it for a few days, and then fled with the precipitation of a pursued thief? What, I say, are to become of those wretches? What are to become of those who went over to you from this city and State? What more can you say to them than "Shift for yourselves?" Or what more can they hope for than to wander like vagabonds over the face of the earth? You may now tell them to take their leave of America and all that once was theirs. Recommend them, for consolation, to your master's court; there perhaps they may make a shift to live on the scraps of some dangling parasite, and choose companions among thousands like themselves. A traitor is the foulest fiend on earth! IN a political sense we ought to thank you for thus be∣queathing estates to the Continent; we shall soon, at this rate, be able to carry on a war without expence, and grow rich by the ill policy of Lord Howe and the generous de∣fection of the Tories. Had you set your foot into this city you would have bestowed estates upon us which we never thought of, by bringing forth traitors we were unwilling to suspect. But these men, you'll say, "are his majesty's most faithful subjects;" let that honour then be all their fortune, and let his majesty take them to himself. I am now thoroughly disgusted with them; they live in un∣grateful case and bend their whole minds to mischief. It seems as if GOD had given them over to a spirit of infidelity, and that they are open to conviction in no other line but that of punishment. It is time to have done with tarring, feathering, carting, and taking securities for their future good behaviour; every sensible man must feel a conscious shame at seeing a poor fellow hawked for a show about the streets, when it is known that he is only the tool of some principal villain, biased into his offence by the force of false reasoning, or bribed thereto through sad necessity. We dishonour our∣selves by attacking such trifling characters, while greater ones are suffered to escape; 'tis our duty to find them out, and their proper punishment would be to exile them from the Continent for ever. The circle of them is not so great as some imagine; the influence of a few have tainted many who are not naturally corrupt. A continual circulation of lies among those who are not much in the way of hearing them contradicted, will in time pass for truth; and the crime lies not in the believer but the inventor. I am not for declaring war against every man that appears not so warm as myself: Difference of constitution, temper, habit of speaking and many other things will go a great way in fixing the outward character of a man, yet simple honesty may remain at bottom. Some men have naturally a military turn, and can brave hardships and the risk of life with a chearful face; others have not, no slavery appears to them so great as the fatigue of arms, and no terror so powerful as that of personal danger: What can we say? We cannot alter nature, neither ought we to punish the son because the father begot him in a cowardly mood. However, I believe most men have more courage than they know of, and that a little at first is enough to begin with. I knew the time when I thought that the whistling of a cannon ball would have frightened me almost to death; but I have since tried it, and find I can stand it with as little discomposure, and (I believe) with a much easier conscience than your Lord∣ship. The same dread would return to me again were I in your situation, for my solemn belief of your cause is, that it is hellish and damnable, and under that conviction every thinking man's heart must fail him. FROM a concern that a good cause should be dishonoured by the least disunion among us, I said in my former paper, No. 1. That should the enemy now be expelled, I wish, with all the sincerity of a Christian, that the names of Whig and Tory might never more be mentioned;  but there is a knot of men among us of such a venomous cast that they will not admit even one's good wishes to act in their favour. Instead of rejoicing that Heaven had, as it were, providentially preserved this city from plunder and destruction, by delivering so great a part of the enemy into our hands with so little effusion of blood, they stubbornly affected to disbelieve it till within an hour, nay half an hour, of the prisoners arriving: And the Quakers put forth a testimony, dated the 20th of December, signed "John Pemberton," declaring their attachment to the British government. These men are continually harping on the great sin of our bearing arms, but the king of Britain may lay waste the world in blood and famine, and they, poor fallen souls, have nothing to say. IN some future paper I intend to distinguish between the different kind of persons who have been denominated Tories; for this I am clear in, that all are not so who have been called so, nor all men Whigs who were once thought so; and as I mean not to conceal the name of any true friend when there shall be occasion to mention him, neither will I that of an enemy who ought to be known, let his rank, station or religion be what it may. Much pains have been taken by some to set your Lordship's private character in an amiable light, but as it has chiefly been done by men who know nothing about you, and who are no ways remarkable for their attachment to us, we have no just authority for believing it. George the Third was imposed upon us by the same arts, but TIME, at length, has done him justice, and the same fate may probably attend your Lordship. Your avowed purpose here, is to kill, conquer, plunder, pardon and enslave; and the ravages of your army through the Jersies have been marked with as much barbarism as if you had openly professed yourself the prince of ruffians; not even the appearance of humanity has been preserved either on the march or the retreat of your troops; no general order, that I could ever learn, has ever been issued to prevent or even forbid your troops from robbery wherever they came, and the only instance of justice, if it can be called such, which has distinguished you for impartiality, is, that you treated and plundered all alike; what could not be carried away have been destroyed, and mohogony furniture have been deliberately laid on the fire for fuel, rather than the men should be fatigued with cutting wood. There was a time when the Whigs confided much in your supposed can∣dour, and the Tories rested themselves on your favour; the experiments have now been made, and failed; and every town, nay every cottage, in the Jersies, where your arms have been, is a testimony against you. How you may rest under this sacrifice of character I know not, but this I know, that you sleep and rise with the daily curses of thousands upon you; perhaps the misery which the Tories have suf∣fered by your proffered mercy may give them some claim to their country's pity, and be in the end the best favour you could show them. IN a folio general order book belonging to Colonel Rohl's battalion, taken at Trenton, and now in the possession of the Council of Safety for this State, the following barbarous order is frequently repeated, His Excellency the COM∣MANDER IN CHIEF orders, that all inhabitants which shall be found with arms, not having an officer with them, shall be immediately taken and hung up. How many you may thus have privately sacrificed we know not, and the account can only be settled in another world. Your treatment of pri∣soners, in order to distress them to enlist into your infernal service, is not to be equalled by any instance in Europe. Yet this is the humane Lord Howe and his brother, whom the Tories and their three quarter kindred the Quakers, or some of them at least, have been holding up for patterns of justice and mercy! A bad cause will ever be supported by bad means and bad men, and whoever will be at the pains of examining strictly into things, will find that one and the same spirit of oppression and impiety, more or less, governs through your whole party in both countries: Not many days ago I accidently fell in company with a person of this city, noted for espousing your cause, and on my remarking to him, "that it appeared clear to me, by the late providential turn of affairs, that GOD Almighty was visibly on our side," he replied, "We care nothing for that, you may have HIM, and welcome; if we have but enough of the devil on our side we shall do." However carelessly this might be spoken matters not, 'tis still the insensible principle that directs all your conduct, and will at last most assuredly deceive and ruin you. IF ever a nation was mad and foolish, blind to its own interest and bent on its own destruction, it is Britain. There are such things as national sins, and though the punishment of individuals may be reserved to another world, national pu∣nishment can only be inflicted in this world. Britain, as a nation, is in my inmost belief the greatest and most un∣grateful offender against GOD on the face of the whole earth: Bless'd with all the commerce she could wish for, and furnished by a vast extension of dominion with the means of civilizing both the eastern and western world, she has made no other use of both than proudly to idolize her own "Thunder," and rip up the bowels of whole countries for what she could get;—like Alexander she has made war her sport, and inflicted misery for prodagality sake. The blood of India is not yet repaid, nor the wretchedness of Africa yet requitted. Of late she has enlarged her list of national cruelties by her butcherly destruction of the Ca∣ribbs of St. Vincents, and in returning an answer by the sword to the meek prayer for "Peace, Liberty and Safety." These are serious things; and whatever a foolish tyrant, a debauched court, a trafficing legislature or a blinded people may think, the national account with Heaven must some day or other be settled: All countries have sooner or later been called to their reckoning; the proudest empires have sunk when the balance was struck; and Britain, like an in∣dividual penitent, must undergo her day of sorrow, and the sooner it happens to her the better. As I wish it over, I wish it to come, but withal wish that it may be as light as possible. PERHAPS your Lordship has no taste for serious things; by your connexions in England I should suppose not: Therefore I shall drop this part of the subject, and take it up in a line in which you will better understand me. BY what means, may I ask, do you expect to conquer America? If you could not effect it in the summer when our army was less than yours, nor in the winter when we had none, how are you to do it? In point of generalship you have been outwitted, and in point of fortitude outdone; your advantages turn out to your loss, and show us that it is in our power to ruin you by gifts: Like a game of drafts we can move out of one square to let you come in, in order that we may afterwards take two or three for one; and as we can always keep a double corner for ourselves, we can always prevent a total defeat. You cannot be so insensible as not to see that we have two to one the advantage of you, because we conquer by a drawn game, and you lose by it. Burgoyne might have taught your Lordship this knowledge; he has been long a student in the doctrine of chances. I have no other idea of conquering countries than by subduing the armies which defend them: Have you done this, or can you do this? If you have not, it would be civil in you to let your proclamations alone for the present; other∣wise, you will ruin more Tories by your grace and favour than you will Whigs by your arms. WERE you to obtain possession of this city, you would not know what to do with it more than to plunder it. To hold it, in the manner you hold New-York, would be an additional dead weight upon your hands; and if a general conquest is your object, you had better be without the city than with it. When you have defeated all our armies, the cities will fall into your hands of themselves; but to creep into them in the manner you got into Princetown, Trenton, &c. is like robbing an orchard in the night before the fruit be ripe, and running away in the morning. Your experiment in the Jersies is sufficient to teach you that you have something more to do than barely to get into other people's houses; and your new converts, to whom you promised all manner of protection, and seduced into new guilt by pardoning them from their former virtues, must begin to have a very contemptible opinion both of your power and your policy. Your authority in the Jersies is now reduced to the small circle which your army occupies, and your proclamation is no where else seen unless it be to be laughed at. The mighty subduers of the Continent are retreated into a nutshell, and the proud forgivers of our sins are fled from those they came to pardon; and all this at a time when they were dispatching vessel after vessel to England with the great news of every day. In short, you have managed your Jersey expedition so very dexterously that the dead only are conquerors, because none will dispute the ground with them. IN all the wars you have formerly been concerned in, you had only armies to contend with; in this case you have both an army and a country to combat with. In former wars, the countries followed the fate of their capitals; Canada fell with Quebec, and Minorca with Port Mahon or St. Philips; by subduing those, the conquerors opened a way into, and became masters of the country: here it is otherwise; if you get possession of a city here, you are obliged to shut yourselves up in it, and can make no other use of it, than to spend your country's money in. This is all the advantage you have drawn from New-York; and you would draw less from Philadelphia, because it requires more force to keep it, and is much farther from the sea. A pretty figure you and the Tories would cut in this city, with a river full of ice, and a town full of fire; for the immediate consequence of your getting here would be, that you would be cannonaded out again and the Tories be obliged to make good the damage; and this, sooner or later, will be the fate of New-York. I wish to see the city saved, not so much from military as from natural motives. 'Tis the hiding-place of women and children, and Lord Howe's proper business is with our armies. When I put all the circumstances together which ought to be taken, I laugh at your notion of conquering America. Because you lived in a little country where an army might run over the whole in a few days, and where a single company of soldiers might put a multitude to the route, you expected to find it the same here. It is plain that you brought over with you all the narrow notions you were bred up with, and imagined that a proclamation in the king's name was to do great things; but Englishmen always travel for knowledge, and your Lordship, I hope, will return, if you return at all, much wiser than you came. WE may be surprised by events we did not expect, and in that interval of recollection you may gain some temporary advantage: Such was the case a few weeks ago, but we soon ripen again into reason, collect our strength, and while you are preparing for a triumph we came upon you with a defeat. Such it has been, and such it would be were you to try it an hundred times over. Were you to garrison the places you might march over, in order to secure their subjection, (for remember you can do it by no other means) your army would be like a stream of water running to nothing. By the time you reached from New-York to Virginia you would be reduced to a string of drops not capable of hanging together; while we, by retreating from State to State, like a river turning back upon itself, would acquire strength in the same proportion as you lost it, and in the end be capable of overwhelming you. The country in the mean time would suffer, but 'tis a day of suffering, and we ought to expect it. What we contend for is worthy the affliction we may go through. If we get but bread to eat, and any kind of rayment to put on, we ought, not only to be contented, but thankful. More than that we ought not to look for, and less than that Heaven has not yet suffered us to want. He that would sell his Birthright for a little salt, is as worthless as he who sold it for porridge without salt. And he that would part with it for a gay coat, or a plain coat, ought for ever to be a slave in buff. What are salt, su∣gar and finery to the inestimable blessings of "Liberty and Safety?" Or what are the inconveniencies of a few months to the tributary bondage of ages? The meanest peasant in America, bless'd with these sentiments, is a happy man com∣pared with a New-York Tory; he can eat his morsel with∣out repining, and when he has done, can sweeten it with a re∣past of wholesome air; he can take his child by the hand and bless it, without feeling the conscious shame of neglecting a parent's duty. IN publishing these remarks I have several objects in view: On your part they are, to expose the folly of your pretended authority as a Commissioner; the wickedness of your cause in general; and the impossibility of your conquering us at any rate. On the part of the public my meaning is, to show them their true and solid interest; to encourage them to their own good, to remove the fears and falsities which bad men had spread and weak men had encouraged; and to excite in all men a love for union, and a chearfulness for duty. I shall submit one more case to you respecting your conquest of this country, and then proceed to new observations: SUPPOSE our armies in every part of the Continent were immediately to disperse, every man to his home, or where else he might be safe, and engage to re-assemble again on a certain future day; it is clear that you would then have no army to contend with, yet you would be as much at a loss in that case as you are now; you would be afraid to send your troops in parties over the Continent, either to disarm, or prevent us from assembling, lest they should not return; and while you kept them together, having no army of ours to dispute with, you could not call it a conquest; you might furnish out a pompous page in the London Gazette or the New-York paper, but when we returned at the appointed time, you would have the same work to do you had at first. IT has been the folly of Britain to suppose herself more powerful than she really is, and by that means have arrogated to herself a rank in the world she is not entitled to; for more than this century past she has not been able to carry on a war without foreign assistance. In Marlborough's campaigns, and from that day to this, the number of German troops and officers assisting her have been about equal with her own; ten thousand Hessians were sent to England last war to protect her from a French invasion; and she would have cut but a poor figure in her Canadian and West-Indian expeditions, had not America been lavish both of her money and men to help her along. The only instance in which she was engaged singly, that I can recollect, was against the rebellion in Scotland in forty-five and forty-six, and in that, out of three battles, she was twice beaten, till by thus reducing their numbers (as we shall yours) and taking a supply ship that was coming to Scotland with cloaths, arms and money (as we have often done) she was at last enabled to defeat them. England was never famous by land; her officers have generally been suspected of cowardice, have more of the air of a dancing-master than a soldier, and by the sample we have taken prisoners we be∣gin to give the preference to ourselves. Her strength of late has laid in her extravagance; but as her finances and her credit are now low, her sinews in that line begin to fail fast. As a nation she is the poorest in Europe; for were the whole kingdom, and all that is in it, to be put up to sale like the estate of a bankrupt, it would not fetch as much as she owes: Yet this thoughtless wretch must go to war, and with the avowed design too of making us beasts of burthen, to support her in riot and debauchery, and to assist her afterwards in distressing those nations who are now our best friends. This ingratitude may suit a Tory, or the unchristian peevishness of a fallen Quaker, but none else. 'TIS the unhappy temper of the English to be pleased with any war, right or wrong, be it but successful; but they soon grow discontented with ill fortune, and it is an even chance that they are as clamorous for peace next summer, as the king and his mi∣nisters were for war last winter. In this natural view of things, your Lordship stands in a very ugly critical situation: Your whole character is staked upon your laurels; if they wither, you wither with them; if they flourish, you cannot live long to look at them; and at any rate, the black account hereafter is not far off. What lately appeared to us misfortunes, were only blessings in disguise; and the seeming advantages on your side have turned out to our profit. Even our loss of this city, as far as we can see, might be a principal gain to us: The more surface you spread over, the thinner you will be, and the easier wiped away; and our consolation under that apparent disaster would be, that the estates of the Tories would become securities for the repairs. In short, there is no old ground we can fail upon, but some new foundation rises again to support us. We have put, Sir, our hands to the plough, and cursed be he that looketh back. YOUR king, in his speech to parliament last spring, declared to them, That he had no doubt but the great force they had enabled him to send to America, would effectually reduce the rebellious Colonies. It has not, neither can it; but it has done just enough to lay the foundation of its own next year's ruin. You are sensible that you left England in a divided distracted state of politics, and, by the command you had here, you became a principal prop in the court party; their fortunes rest on yours; by a single express you can fix their value with the public, and the degree to which their spirits shall rise or fall; they are in your hands as stock, and you have the secret of the ally with you. Thus situated and connected, you become the unintentional mechanical instrument of your own and their overthrow. The king and his ministers put conquest out of doubt, and the credit of both depended on the proof. To support them in the interim, it was necessary you should make the most of every thing; and we can tell by Hugh Gaine's New-York paper what the complexion of the London Gazette is. With such a list of victories the nation cannot expect you will ask new supplies; and to confess your want of them, would give the lie to your triumphs, and impeach the king and his ministers of treasonable deception. If you make the necessary demand at home, your party sinks; if you make it not, you sink yourself; to ask it now is too late, and to ask it before was too soon, and unless it arrive quickly will be of no use. In short, the part you have to act, cannot be acted; and I am fully persuaded that all you have to trust to, is to do the best you can with what force you have got, or little more. Though we have greatly excelled you in point of generalship and bravery of men, yet, as a people, we have not entered into the full soul of enterprize; for I, who know England and the disposition of the people well; am confident that it is easier for us to effect a revolution there, than you a conquest here: A few thousand men landed in England with the declared design of deposing the present king, bringing his ministers to trial, and setting up the duke of Gloucester in his stead, would assuredly carry their point, while you were groveling here ignorant of the matter. As I send all my papers to England, this, like COMMON SENSE, will find its way there; and though it may put one party on their guard, it will inform the other and the nation in general of our design to help them. THUS far, Sir, I have endeavoured to give you a picture of present affairs: You may draw from it what conclusions you please. I wish as well to the true prosperity of England as you can, but I consider Independence as America's natural Right and Interest, and never could see any real disservice it would be to Britain. If an English merchant receives an order and is paid for it, it signifies nothing to him who governs the country—This is my creed of politics. If I have any where expressed myself overwarmly, 'tis from a fixt immovable hatred I have, and ever had, to cruel men and cruel measures. I have likewise an aversion to monarchy, as being too debasing to the dignity of man; but I never troubled others with my notions till very lately, nor ever published a syllable in England in my life. What I write is pure nature, and my pen and my soul have ever gone together. My writings I have always given away, reserving only the expence of printing and paper, and sometimes not even that. I never courted either fame or interest, and my manner of life, to those who know it, will justify what I say. My study is to be useful, and if your Lordship love mankind as well I do, you would, seeing you cannot conquer us, cast about and lend your hand towards accomplishing a peace. Our Independence, with GOD's blessing, we will maintain against all the world; but as we wish to avoid evil ourselves, we wish not to inflict it on others. I am never over-inquisitive into the secrets of the Cabinet, but I have some notion, that if you neglect the present opportunity, that it will not be in our power to make a seperate peace with you afterwards; for whatever treaties or alliances we form, we shall most faithfully abide by; wherefore you may be deceived if you think you can make it with us at any time. A lasting inde∣pendent peace is my wish, end and aim; and to accomplish that "I pray God the" Americans may never be defeated, and I trust while they have good officers, and are well commanded,  and willing to be commanded, "that they NEVER WILL." COMMON SENSE. Philadelphia, January 13, 1777. Source: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=evans;cc=evans;rgn=main;view=text;idno=N12279.0001.001

Thank you, Lyndon. Ladies and gentlemen, we are meeting tonight in old Faneuil Hall, which is the cradle of American liberty. Here in this hall, men and women met days before the American Revolution to work for freedom. The 13 steps behind me celebrate the 13 nations and States that first signed the Constitution. Here in this old part of Boston, which my grandfather represented once in Congress 60 years ago and which I represented first as a young Congressman 14 years ago, we hold our last meeting of this campaign. Our work is now over, and tomorrow you must make your judgment. Your judgment of what you want your country to do, your judgment of what you want your country to be. I want to present to you for just a few minutes some of the highlights of this campaign that has taken us to all parts of the country. I think it shows something about America. It shows something about what America can do and what America must be. Perhaps the most exciting was whistlestopping through the valleys of California, way back in September. This is the meeting of the Houston ministers at Houston, where they were kind enough to invite me, when we discussed the so-called religious issue of this campaign. I believe in America where a separation of church and state is absolute. Where no Catholic prelate can tell the President, should he be Catholic, how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners how to vote. Where no church or church school is granted public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him. I believe in America. It is officially neither Catholic, Protestant, or Jewish. Where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or public acts of its officials. Where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all. This is the kind of America I believe in, and this is the kind of America I fought for in the South Pacific and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then we might have had a divided liberty or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the, I quote, "the freedoms for which our forefathers died." If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I tried my best and was fairly judged. But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole Nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world. In the eyes of history and in the eyes of our own people. But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency, practically identical, I might add, with the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation I can, and I quote, "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution, so help me God." Despite the fact that it was a rainy afternoon, the National Plowing Contest in South Dakota gave me a chance to give my views on our No. 1 domestic agricultural problem. (Bad audio.) * and wait every month for surplus food packages from our Government. There are 4 million Americans in this country who wait every mouth for a package from our Government of surplus food. You wouldn't believe what is in that package. Some grain, some rice, and this summer the Department of Agriculture is adding lard. These aren't just people living in India or Latin America. They are fellow Americans. Some thrown out of work, many of them sick, many of them with families, and here's this country which stores food and lets it rot on occasion. We can't find enough good food to send our own people. Some say the turning point of this campaign might have come with the first of the four nationally televised debates. I don't want historians 10 years from now to say that the tide ran out. No; I want them to say that these were the years the tide came in. These were the years when the United States started to move again. Thus: the question before the American people - and only you can decide what you want, what you want this country to be, what you want to do with your future. I think we are ready to move. And it is to that great task that, if we are successful, we will address ourselves. War is a moving experience. To speak from the house where Franklin Roosevelt often stayed and where he died. The "Little White House" in Warm Springs, Ga. Franklin Roosevelt was the champion of the aged, and of children, and the handicapped, and the friend of those who have been forgotten, of those who have not been remembered, of those who have needed a helping hand, and of those who needed a good neighbor. There is still unfinished business before us in the field of health. There are still over 18 million Americans who live out their lives without assistance, without any recognition of the great problem that they face in the field of health. This campaign, like all the rest, reached a climax of party spirit in the final week. Even a driving rain could not dampen the torchlight parade in New York. This is the campaign and it's now come to an end. I think this old hall reminds us of how far we've been as Americans and what we must do in the future. This painting behind me is of the first Thanksgiving, December 13, way back. It was painted in 1821, and of course it was of the first Thanksgiving in the Plymouth Colony. They had had a long, hard experience. Many had died. And yet the first harvest came in, they gave thanks to the Lord for His generosity to them. It reminds us of our great history, of what our people have been willing to do in order to build our society. There's another picture on the wall from the Battle of Bunker Hill. The Battle of Bunker Hill which was one of the key battles of the American Revolution, was fought only a few hundred yards from this old building. This is a great country. It has passed through many trials and tribulations and it has emerged in 1960 as the most powerful single country in the world, as the greatest hope for freedom of the world. It is our function now in our generation in the 1960's to keep it that way, to make sure that this country meets its responsibilities, to make sure that we stand as the sentinel at the gate for the cause of freedom around the world. If we succeed, freedom succeeds. If we fail, freedom fails. That is the sober and awesome responsibility which events and our own choice have put upon our shoulders. I believe that we can fulfill our function. I believe we can maintain our position as the hope of freedom. I believe that we can check the Communist advance, that we can turn it back, and that we can, in this century, provide for the ultimate victory of freedom over slavery. That is our job and I believe that that can best be done if we build in this country a strong and vital society. Our prestige in the world, our strength in the world, our influence in the world - all of these are directly related to the strength, energy, and drive of the United States itself. This is the place where we must start. The next President of the United States must go to Washington and get this country working again. We must provide opportunity for our people. We must provide with their help employment for our people. We can't possibly maintain our own freedom and the freedom of others when we work part time, when we use our steel capacity 50 percent, when we build - as we built this month - 30 percent less homes than a year ago. We have to provide education for our children - the best there is. We have to make sure that talented boys and girls - and nearly 35 percent of our brightest who graduate from high school today never see the inside of a college - we want to make sure they have a chance to develop their talent. We want to make sure that our older citizens have a chance to protect themselves - they have a chance to live out their life in dignity and security under a medical care plan tied to social security. We want to make sure that the great abundance that American farmers have brought to us is used as a blessing around the world. This is a blessing from the Lord. He has been generous to us and we have to make sure that we use all that we have. This is the choice, then, in 1960. Shall we go forward? Shall we move with the times? Shall we progress again in the United States? Shall we stand as the great symbol of freedom around the world, or shall we sit still? Shall we lie at anchor? In my judgment, that is the question that separates the Republican and the Democratic Parties in 1960, as it did in 1932 in the election of Franklin Roosevelt, as it did in 1912 with the election of Woodrow Wilson. I believe we must go forward. You have to decide what you think. Are you satisfied with things as they are? Do you feel we must do better? Do you feel that we have to do better in the sixties? Do you feel that we have to go to work and build this country of ours stronger than it's ever been, more powerful than it's ever been, more dedicated to peace than it's ever been? I believe we should. And I come tonight and ask you to give me the opportunity to serve in this high office, this most responsible office, so that we can once more start on the forward road. My wife could not campaign with me this year because she is having a baby in 3 weeks, so that I haven't seen her very much, or my daughter, and she couldn't be with me here today because she has to stay home and relax. But she is home and I am now going to let you say hello to her. Hello, Jackie. We're switching over to you. Mrs. KENNEDY. Jack, I've enjoyed watching this program tonight. I only wish I could have been there with you at the end of this longest and busiest day for you and the end of the long road that we've traveled together since the primaries in January. The doctor wouldn't let me leave Hyannis Port tonight so I'll be here until tomorrow morning at 6:30 when I drive to Boston to join you en route. I wouldn't miss that for anything. And then we'll have you back with us at least to wait out the election returns together. One of my happiest memories of this campaign has been all of the people who have believed in you, who worked so hard and helped so much. I want to thank all of you who are listening tonight and tell you that we'll never be able to repay our debt to you, and that it is you that we thank tonight with gratitude. Before we go back to Faneuil Hall, there have been so many thousands of messages of support received within the past few days we're going to show you just a few of them that have been recorded on film. (Filmed sequence:) Mr. Kennedy, I am going to vote for you because I do not like Secretary Benson and I feel like if I should vote otherwise, we will still have to put up with him for another 4 years and I just don't want him in there. He's not a man for the job. I am voting for Senator Kennedy because I think he's a much greater statesman than Vice President Nixon. I am voting for Senator Kennedy because I have always been a Democrat and I think it's time for a change. Mrs. Burton, Whittier, Calif., Mr. Nixon's hometown. I am voting for Jack Kennedy because of his background, his education, his intelligence, and his stability. I am going to vote for Senator Kennedy because I want to get this country off a dead center. I want to make this country move both domestically and regain our lost prestige abroad. I am a good Democrat and I'm going to vote for Jack Kennedy because I think he is entitled to the office at this time. He is a brilliant, outstanding man and the United States needs a great leader such as I believe that he can give to the United States. I am voting for Jack Kennedy and my dad made the mistake in 1928 or voting for a Republican the first time. I am not going to be cheated in this election for voting for the Republican Party. I am going to vote for Senator Kennedy because he is a sincere, conscientious man and I think will make one of the greatest Presidents of my time. Well, I think the reason that I am voting for Senator Kennedy is because of my tremendous faith in the American people. In our whole history we have seemed to inevitably choosen the right man for the right time. We have had weak times and weak Presidents. But always it has been the man we have named, at that time. These are the days when we need strength and courage. We need inspiration, directed courage and supervision. These we have in Senator Kennedy. This is what America needs. This is why I must vote for Senator Kennedy. Mr. KENNEDY. Ladies and gentlemen, I want to thank all of you for your kindness in coming tonight. Nearly all of you were present when I was elected to Congress 14 years ago, and I'm delighted that you're present tonight as this campaign of 1960 goes into history. We are meeting in the old hall which was the scene of Otis' speeches and Samuel Adams which led up to the American Revolution. Behind me are three statues of three distinguished citizens of this State who served their country - President John Adams, his son, President John Quincy Adams, and Senator Daniel Webster from our State of Massachusetts. All of the past tells us something about the future. I've traveled all over the United States - been to 50 States in the last month - and I must say I come back to this old city with the strongest possible confidence in the future of the United States, in the ability of its people to meet its responsibilities, to bear our burdens, to strengthen our cause, to identify ourselves and others with the cause of freedom around the world. In 1860, in the campaign a hundred years ago, Abraham Lincoln said the issue was whether this Nation could exist half slave and half free. Now 100 years later, the question is will the world exist half slave and half free or will it move in the direction of freedom? Or will it move in the direction of slavery? I believe it will move in the direction of freedom. And I believe that this is especially true if we here in the United States begin to move again. The challenge of 1960, of 1961, 1962, 1963, and 1964 is whether or not the people of the United States are determined to move forward again; to build a stronger, more progressive, more vigorous society; to demonstrate what freedom can really do; to serve as an ornament to the cause of freedom around the world; to send the most talented men and women we have in the country to service in Washington, to represent us all over the world as spokesmen for freedom, as well as spokesmen for the United States. I believe we can do these things. I believe we can build a strong and productive society that employs our people, educates our children, provides security for our aged and opportunity for all. That is the responsibility of all of us, and it is especially the responsibility of the next President of the United States to set before our country the unfinished business of our society. This campaign is now over. The responsibility has ceased to be ours who are candidates and it is now yours, the citizens of this great Republic. You must make your judgment between sitting and moving. This is a race not merely between two parties, the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, or between two candidates. It is a race between the comfortable and the concerned. Those who are willing to sit and lie at anchor and those who want to go forward. This country has developed as it is. We are here tonight because in other great periods of crisis we have chosen to go forward. And I am confident tomorrow in 1960, November 8, this country will once again choose progress, this country will once again choose to go forward, this country will once again choose to go to work to build a strong society here and to build a peaceful and productive world. That is our responsibility and that is our opportunity, and the judgment now is yours - the citizens of this country. Source: https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/speech-senator-john-f-kennedy-boston-ma-faneuil-hall

Indian Removal Act (1830)  May 28, 1830 An Act to provide for an exchange of lands with the Indians residing in any of the states or territories, and for their removal west of the river Mississippi. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That it shall and may be lawful for the President of the United States to cause so much of any territory belonging to the United States, west of the river Mississippi, not included in any state or organized territory, and to which the Indian title has been extinguished, as he may judge necessary, to be divided into a suitable number of districts, for the reception of such tribes or nations of Indians as may choose to exchange the lands where they now reside, and remove there; and to cause each of said districts to be so described by natural or artificial marks, as to be easily distinguished from every other. Sec. 2 And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the President to exchange any or all of such districts, so to be laid off and described, with any tribe or nation of Indians now residing within the limits of any of the states or territories, and with which the United States have existing treaties, for the whole or any part or portion of the territory claimed and occupied by such tribe or nation, within the bounds of any one or more of the states or territories, where the land claimed and occupied by the Indians, is owned by the United States, or the United States are bound to the state within which it lies to extinguish the Indian claim thereto. Sec. 3 And be it further enacted, That in the making of any such exchange or exchanges, it shall and may be lawful for the President solemnly to assure the tribe or nation with which the exchange is made, that the United States will forever secure and guarantee to them, and their heirs or successors, the country so exchanged with them; and if they prefer it, that the United States will cause a patent or grant to be made and executed to them for the same: Provided always, That such lands shall revert to the United States, if the Indians become extinct, or abandon the same. Sec. 4 And be it further enacted, That if, upon any of the lands now occupied by the Indians, and to be exchanged for, there should be such improvements as add value to the land claimed by any individual or individuals of such tribes or nations, it shall and may be lawful for the President to cause such value to be ascertained by appraisement or otherwise, and to cause such ascertained value to be paid to the person or persons rightfully claiming such improvements. And upon the payment of such valuation, the improvements so valued and paid for, shall pass to the United States, and possession shall not afterwards be permitted to any of the same tribe. Sec. 5 And be it further enacted, That upon the making of any such exchange as is contemplated by this act, it shall and may be lawful for the President to cause such aid and assistance to be furnished to the emigrants as may be necessary and proper to enable them to remove to, and settle in, the country for which they may have exchanged; and also, to give them such aid and assistance as may be necessary for their support and subsistence for the first year after their removal. Sec. 6 And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the President to cause such tribe or nation to be protected, at their new residence, against all interruption or disturbance from any other tribe or nation of Indians, or from any other person or persons whatever. Sec. 7 And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the President to have the same superintendence and care over any tribe or nation in the country to which they may remove, as contemplated by this act, that he is now authorized to have over them at their present places of residence: Provided, That nothing in this act contained shall be construed as authorizing or directing the violation of any existing treaty between the United States and any of the Indian tribes. Sec. 8 And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of giving effect to the provisions of this act, the sum of five hundred thousand dollars is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of any money in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated. Taken from: The Cherokee Removal: A Brief History With Documents. Edited by Theda Perdue and Michael D. Green. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995: p.116-7.

Thank you very much. Good evening, my fellow Americans. I appreciate so very much the opportunity to speak with you tonight. Mr. Speaker, Lieutenant Governor, friends, distinguished guests, our country has been through a long and trying period, with the outcome of the presidential election not finalized for longer than any of us could ever imagine. Vice President Gore and I put our hearts and hopes into our campaigns. We both gave it our all. We shared similar emotions, so I understand how difficult this moment must be for Vice President Gore and his family. He has a distinguished record of service to our country as a congressman, a senator and a vice president. This evening I received a gracious call from the vice president. We agreed to meet early next week in Washington, and we agreed to do our best to heal our country after this hard-fought contest. Tonight I want to thank all the thousands of volunteers and campaign workers who worked so hard on my behalf. I also salute the vice president and his supports for waging a spirited campaign. And I thank him for a call that I know was difficult to make. Laura and I wish the vice president and Senator Lieberman and their families the very best. I have a lot to be thankful for tonight. I'm thankful for America and thankful that we were able to resolve our electoral differences in a peaceful way. I'm thankful to the American people for the great privilege of being able to serve as your next president. I want to thank my wife and our daughters for their love. Laura's active involvement as first lady has made Texas a better place, and she will be a wonderful first lady of America. I am proud to have Dick Cheney by my side, and America will be proud to have him as our next vice president. Tonight, I chose to speak from the chamber of the Texas House of Representatives because it has been a home to bipartisan cooperation. Here in a place where Democrats have the majority, Republicans and Democrats have worked together to do what is right for the people we represent. We've had spirited disagreements. And in the end, we found constructive consensus. It is an experience I will always carry with me, an example I will always follow. I want to thank my friend, House Speaker Pete Laney, a Democrat, who introduced me today. I want to thank the legislators from both political parties with whom I've worked. Across the hall in our Texas capitol is the state Senate. And I cannot help but think of our mutual friend, the former Democrat lieutenant governor, Bob Bullock. His love for Texas and his ability to work in a bipartisan way continue to be a model for all of us. The spirit of cooperation I have seen in this hall is what is needed in Washington, D.C. It is the challenge of our moment. After a difficult election, we must put politics behind us and work together to make the promise of America available for every one of our citizens. I'm optimistic that we can change the tone in Washington, D.C.I believe things happen for a reason, and I hope the long wait of the last five weeks will heighten a desire to move beyond the bitterness and partisanship of the recent past. Our nation must rise above a house divided. Americans share hopes and goals and values far more important than any political disagreements. Republicans want the best for our nation, and so do Democrats. Our votes may differ, but not our hopes. I know America wants reconciliation and unity. I know Americans want progress. And we must seize this moment and deliver. Together, guided by a spirit of common sense, common courtesy and common goals, we can unite and inspire the American citizens. Together, we will work to make all our public schools excellent, teaching every student of every background and every accent, so that no child is left behind. Together, we will save Social Security and renew its promise of a secure retirement for generations to come. Together, we will strengthen Medicare and offer prescription drug coverage to all of our seniors. Together, we will give Americans the broad, fair, and fiscally responsible tax relief they deserve. Together, we'll have a bipartisan foreign policy true to our values and true to our friends, and we will have a military equal to every challenge and superior to every adversary. Together, we will address some of society's deepest problems one person at a time, by encouraging and empowering the good hearts and good works of the American people.This is the essence of compassionate conservatism and it will be a foundation of my administration. These priorities are not merely Republican concerns or Democratic concerns; they are American responsibilities. During the fall campaign, we differed about the details of these proposals, but there was remarkable consensus about the important issues before us: excellent schools, retirement and health security, tax relief, a strong military, a more civil society. We have discussed our differences. Now it is time to find common ground and build consensus to make America a beacon of opportunity in the 21st century. I'm optimistic this can happen. Our future demands it and our history proves it. Two hundred years ago, in the election of 1800, America faced another close presidential election. A tie in the Electoral College put the outcome into the hands of Congress.After six days of voting and 36 ballots, the House of Representatives elected Thomas Jefferson the third president of the United States. That election brought the first transfer of power from one party to another in our new democracy. Shortly after the election, Jefferson, in a letter titled "Reconciliation and Reform," wrote this: "The steady character of our countrymen is a rock to which we may safely moor; unequivocal in principle, reasonable in manner. We should be able to hope to do a great deal of good to the cause of freedom and harmony. "Two hundred years have only strengthened the steady character of America. And so as we begin the work of healing our nation, tonight I call upon that character: respect for each other, respect for our differences, generosity of spirit, and a willingness to work hard and work together to solve any problem. I have something else to ask you, to ask every American. I ask for you to pray for this great nation. I ask for your prayers for leaders from both parties. I thank you for your prayers for me and my family, and I ask you to pray for Vice President Gore and his family. I have faith that with God's help we as a nation will move forward together as one nation, indivisible. And together we will create an America that is open, so every citizen has access to the American dream; an America that is educated, so every child has the keys to realize that dream; and an America that is united in our diversity and our shared American values that are larger than race or party. I was not elected to serve one party, but to serve one nation. The president of the United States is the president of every single American, of every race and every background. Whether you voted for me or not, I will do my best to serve your interests and I will work to earn your respect. I will be guided by President Jefferson's sense of purpose, to stand for principle, to be reasonable in manner, and above all, to do great good for the cause of freedom and harmony. The presidency is more than an honor. It is more than an office. It is a charge to keep, and I will give it my all. Thank you very much and God bless America. Source: https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/gwbush2000victoryspeech.htm

861.00/2 - 2246: Telegram The Charge in the Soviet Union (Kennan) to the Secretary of State SECRET Moscow, February 22, 1946--9 p.m. [Received February 22--3: 52 p.m.] 511. Answer to Dept's 284, Feb 3 [13] involves questions so intricate, so delicate, so strange to our form of thought, and so important to analysis of our international environment that I cannot compress answers into single brief message without yielding to what I feel would be dangerous degree of over-simplification. I hope, therefore, Dept will bear with me if I submit in answer to this question five parts, subjects of which will be roughly as follows:           (1) Basic features of post-war Soviet outlook.          (2) Background of this outlook           (3) Its projection in practical policy on official level.           (4) Its projection on unofficial level.          (5) Practical deductions from standpoint of US policy. I apologize in advance for this burdening of telegraphic channel; but questions involved are of such urgent importance, particularly in view of recent events, that our answers to them, if they deserve attention at all, seem to me to deserve it at once. There follows Part 1: Basic Features of Post War Soviet Outlook, as Put Forward by Official Propaganda Machine Are as Follows:      (a) USSR still lives in antagonistic "capitalist encirclement" with which in the long run there can be no permanent peaceful coexistence. As stated by Stalin in 1927 to a delegation of American workers: "In course of further development of international revolution there will emerge two centers of world significance: a socialist center, drawing to itself the countries which tend toward socialism, and a capitalist center, drawing to itself the countries that incline toward capitalism. Battle between these two centers for command of world economy will decide fate of capitalism and of communism in entire world." (b) Capitalist world is beset with internal conflicts, inherent in nature of capitalist society. These conflicts are insoluble by means of peaceful compromise. Greatest of them is that between England and US. (c) Internal conflicts of capitalism inevitably generate wars. Wars thus generated may be of two kinds: intra-capitalist wars between two capitalist states, and wars of intervention against socialist world. Smart capitalists, vainly seeking escape from inner conflicts of capitalism, incline toward latter. (d) Intervention against USSR, while it would be disastrous to those who undertook it, would cause renewed delay in progress of Soviet socialism and must therefore be forestalled at all costs. (e) Conflicts between capitalist states, though likewise fraught with danger for USSR, nevertheless hold out great possibilities for advancement of socialist cause, particularly if USSR remains militarily powerful, ideologically monolithic and faithful to its present brilliant leadership. (f) It must be borne in mind that capitalist world is not all bad. In addition to hopelessly reactionary and bourgeois elements, it includes (1) certain wholly enlightened and positive elements united in acceptable communistic parties and (2) certain other elements (now described for tactical reasons as progressive or democratic) whose reactions, aspirations and activities happen to be "objectively" favorable to interests of USSR These last must be encouraged and utilized for Soviet purposes. (g) Among negative elements of bourgeois-capitalist society, most dangerous of all are those whom Lenin called false friends of the people, namely moderate-socialist or social-democratic leaders (in other words, non-Communist left-wing). These are more dangerous than out-and-out reactionaries, for latter at least march under their true colors, whereas moderate left-wing leaders confuse people by employing devices of socialism to seine interests of reactionary capital.      So much for premises. To what deductions do they lead from standpoint of Soviet policy? To following: (a) Everything must be done to advance relative strength of USSR as factor in international society. Conversely, no opportunity most be missed to reduce strength and influence, collectively as well as individually, of capitalist powers. (b) Soviet efforts, and those of Russia's friends abroad, must be directed toward deepening and exploiting of differences and conflicts between capitalist powers. If these eventually deepen into an "imperialist" war, this war must be turned into revolutionary upheavals within the various capitalist countries.      (c) "Democratic-progressive" elements abroad are to be utilized to maximum to bring pressure to bear on capitalist governments along lines agreeable to Soviet interests.     (d) Relentless battle must be waged against socialist and social-democratic leaders abroad. Part 2: Background of Outlook       Before examining ramifications of this party line in practice there are certain aspects of it to which I wish to draw attention. First, it does not represent natural outlook of Russian people. Latter are, by and large, friendly to outside world, eager for experience of it, eager to measure against it talents they are conscious of possessing, eager above all to live in peace and enjoy fruits of their own labor. Party line only represents thesis which official propaganda machine puts forward with great skill and persistence to a public often remarkably resistant in the stronghold of its innermost thoughts. But party line is binding for outlook and conduct of people who make up apparatus of power--party, secret police and Government--and it is exclusively with these that we have to deal. Second, please note that premises on which this party line is based are for most part simply not true. Experience has shown that peaceful and mutually profitable coexistence of capitalist and socialist states is entirely possible. Basic internal conflicts in advanced countries are no longer primarily those arising out of capitalist ownership of means of production, but are ones arising from advanced urbanism and industrialism as such, which Russia has thus far been spared not by socialism but only by her own backwardness. Internal rivalries of capitalism do not always generate wars; and not all wars are attributable to this cause. To speak of possibility of intervention against USSR today, after elimination of Germany and Japan and after example of recent war, is sheerest nonsense. If not provoked by forces of intolerance and subversion "capitalist" world of today is quite capable of living at peace with itself and with Russia. Finally, no sane person has reason to doubt sincerity of moderate socialist leaders in Western countries. Nor is it fair to deny success of their efforts to improve conditions for working population whenever, as in Scandinavia, they have been given chance to show what they could do. Falseness of those premises, every one of which predates recent war, was amply demonstrated by that conflict itself Anglo-American differences did not turn out to be major differences of Western World. Capitalist countries, other than those of Axis, showed no disposition to solve their differences by joining in crusade against USSR. Instead of imperialist war turning into civil wars and revolution, USSR found itself obliged to fight side by side with capitalist powers for an avowed community of aim.       Nevertheless, all these theses, however baseless and disproven, are being boldly put forward again today. What does this indicate? It indicates that Soviet party line is not based on any objective analysis of situation beyond Russia's borders; that it has, indeed, little to do with conditions outside of Russia; that it arises mainly from basic inner-Russian necessities which existed before recent war and exist today. At bottom of Kremlin's neurotic view of world affairs is traditional and instinctive Russian sense of insecurity. Originally, this was insecurity of a peaceful agricultural people trying to live on vast exposed plain in neighborhood of fierce nomadic peoples. To this was added, as Russia came into contact with economically advanced West, fear of more competent, more powerful, more highly organized societies in that area. But this latter type of insecurity was one which afflicted rather Russian rulers than Russian people; for Russian rulers have invariably sensed that their rule was relatively archaic in form fragile and artificial in its psychological foundation, unable to stand comparison or contact with political systems of Western countries. For this reason they have always feared foreign penetration, feared direct contact between Western world and their own, feared what would happen if Russians learned truth about world without or if foreigners learned truth about world within. And they have learned to seek security only in patient but deadly struggle for total destruction of rival power, never in compacts and compromises with it. It was no coincidence that Marxism, which had smoldered ineffectively for half a century in Western Europe, caught hold and blazed for first time in Russia. Only in this land which had never known a friendly neighbor or indeed any tolerant equilibrium of separate powers, either internal or international, could a doctrine thrive which viewed economic conflicts of society as insoluble by peaceful means. After establishment of Bolshevist regime, Marxist dogma, rendered even more truculent and intolerant by Lenin's interpretation, became a perfect vehicle for sense of insecurity with which Bolsheviks, even more than previous Russian rulers, were afflicted. In this dogma, with its basic altruism of purpose, they found justification for their instinctive fear of outside world, for the dictatorship without which they did not know how to rule, for cruelties they did not dare not to inflict, for sacrifice they felt bound to demand. In the name of Marxism they sacrificed every single ethical value in their methods and tactics. Today they cannot dispense with it. It is fig leaf of their moral and intellectual respectability. Without it they would stand before history, at best, as only the last of that long succession of cruel and wasteful Russian rulers who have relentlessly forced country on to ever new heights of military power in order to guarantee external security of their internally weak regimes. This is why Soviet purposes most always be solemnly clothed in trappings of Marxism, and why no one should underrate importance of dogma in Soviet affairs. Thus Soviet leaders are driven [by?] necessities of their own past and present position to put forward which [apparent omission] outside world as evil, hostile and menacing, but as bearing within itself germs of creeping disease and destined to be wracked with growing internal convulsions until it is given final Coup de grace by rising power of socialism and yields to new and better world. This thesis provides justification for that increase of military and police power of Russian state, for that isolation of Russian population from outside world, and for that fluid and constant pressure to extend limits of Russian police power which are together the natural and instinctive urges of Russian rulers. Basically this is only the steady advance of uneasy Russian nationalism, a centuries old movement in which conceptions of offense and defense are inextricably confused. But in new guise of international Marxism, with its honeyed promises to a desperate and war torn outside world, it is more dangerous and insidious than ever before. It should not be thought from above that Soviet party line is necessarily disingenuous and insincere on part of all those who put it forward. Many of them are too ignorant of outside world and mentally too dependent to question [apparent omission] self-hypnotism, and who have no difficulty making themselves believe what they find it comforting and convenient to believe. Finally we have the unsolved mystery as to who, if anyone, in this great land actually receives accurate and unbiased information about outside world. In atmosphere of oriental secretiveness and conspiracy which pervades this Government, possibilities for distorting or poisoning sources and currents of information are infinite. The very disrespect of Russians for objective truth--indeed, their disbelief in its existence--leads them to view all stated facts as instruments for furtherance of one ulterior purpose or another. There is good reason to suspect that this Government is actually a conspiracy within a conspiracy; and I for one am reluctant to believe that Stalin himself receives anything like an objective picture of outside world. Here there is ample scope for the type of subtle intrigue at which Russians are past masters. Inability of foreign governments to place their case squarely before Russian policy makers--extent to which they are delivered up in their relations with Russia to good graces of obscure and unknown advisors whom they never see and cannot influence--this to my mind is most disquieting feature of diplomacy in Moscow, and one which Western statesmen would do well to keep in mind if they would understand nature of difficulties encountered here. Part 3: Projection of Soviet Outlook in Practical Policy on Official Level       We have now seen nature and background of Soviet program. What may we expect by way of its practical implementation?       Soviet policy, as Department implies in its query under reference, is conducted on two planes: (1) official plane represented by actions undertaken officially in name of Soviet Government; and (2) subterranean plane of actions undertaken by agencies for which Soviet Government does not admit responsibility. Policy promulgated on both planes will be calculated to serve basic policies (a) to (d) outlined in part 1. Actions taken on different planes will differ considerably, but will dovetail into each other in purpose, timing and effect.      On official plane we must look for following: (a) Internal policy devoted to increasing in every way strength and prestige of Soviet state: intensive military-industrialization; maximum development of armed forces; great displays to impress outsiders; continued secretiveness about internal matters, designed to conceal weaknesses and to keep opponents in dark. (b) Wherever it is considered timely and promising, efforts will be made to advance official limits of Soviet power. For the moment, these efforts are restricted to certain neighboring points conceived of here as being of immediate strategic necessity, such as Northern Iran, Turkey, possibly Bornholm However, other points may at any time come into question, if and as concealed Soviet political power is extended to new areas. Thus a "friendly Persian Government might be asked to grant Russia a port on Persian Gulf. Should Spain fall under Communist control, question of Soviet base at Gibraltar Strait might be activated. But such claims will appear on official level only when unofficial preparation is complete. (c) Russians will participate officially in international organizations where they see opportunity of extending Soviet power or of inhibiting or diluting power of others. Moscow sees in UNO not the mechanism for a permanent and stable world society founded on mutual interest and aims of all nations, but an arena in which aims just mentioned can be favorably pursued. As long as UNO is considered here to serve this purpose, Soviets will remain with it. But if at any time they come to conclusion that it is serving to embarrass or frustrate their aims for power expansion and if they see better prospects for pursuit of these aims along other lines, they will not hesitate to abandon UNO. This would imply, however, that they felt themselves strong enough to split unity of other nations by their withdrawal to render UNO ineffective as a threat to their aims or security, replace it with an international weapon more effective from their viewpoint. Thus Soviet attitude toward UNO will depend largely on loyalty of other nations to it, and on degree of vigor, decisiveness and cohesion with which those nations defend in UNO the peaceful and hopeful concept of international life, which that organization represents to our way of thinking. I reiterate, Moscow has no abstract devotion to UNO ideals. Its attitude to that organization will remain essentially pragmatic and tactical. (d) Toward colonial areas and backward or dependent peoples, Soviet policy, even on official plane, will be directed toward weakening of power and influence and contacts of advanced Western nations, on theory that in so far as this policy is successful, there will be created a vacuum which will favor Communist-Soviet penetration. Soviet pressure for participation in trusteeship arrangements thus represents, in my opinion, a desire to be in a position to complicate and inhibit exertion of Western influence at such points rather than to provide major channel for exerting of Soviet power. Latter motive is not lacking, but for this Soviets prefer to rely on other channels than official trusteeship arrangements. Thus we may expect to find Soviets asking for admission everywhere to trusteeship or similar arrangements and using levers thus acquired to weaken Western influence among such peoples. (e) Russians will strive energetically to develop Soviet representation in, and official ties with, countries in which they sense Strong possibilities of opposition to Western centers of power. This applies to such widely separated points as Germany, Argentina, Middle Eastern countries, etc. (f) In international economic matters, Soviet policy will really be dominated by pursuit of autarchy for Soviet Union and Soviet-dominated adjacent areas taken together. That, however, will be underlying policy. As far as official line is concerned, position is not yet clear. Soviet Government has shown strange reticence since termination hostilities on subject foreign trade. If large scale long term credits should be forthcoming, I believe Soviet Government may eventually again do lip service, as it did in 1930's to desirability of building up international economic exchanges in general. Otherwise I think it possible Soviet foreign trade may be restricted largely to Soviet's own security sphere, including occupied areas in Germany, and that a cold official shoulder may be turned to principle of general economic collaboration among nations. (g) With respect to cultural collaboration, lip service will likewise be rendered to desirability of deepening cultural contacts between peoples, but this will not in practice be interpreted in any way which could weaken security position of Soviet peoples. Actual manifestations of Soviet policy in this respect will be restricted to arid channels of closely shepherded official visits and functions, with superabundance of vodka and speeches and dearth of permanent effects. (h) Beyond this, Soviet official relations will take what might be called "correct" course with individual foreign governments, with great stress being laid on prestige of Soviet Union and its representatives and with punctilious attention to protocol as distinct from good manners. Part 4: Following May Be Said as to What We May Expect by Way of Implementation of Basic Soviet Policies on Unofficial, or Subterranean Plane, i.e. on Plane for Which Soviet Government Accepts no Responsibility      Agencies utilized for promulgation of policies on this plane are following: 1. Inner central core of Communist Parties in other countries. While many of persons who compose this category may also appear and act in unrelated public capacities, they are in reality working closely together as an underground operating directorate of world communism, a concealed Comintern tightly coordinated and directed by Moscow. It is important to remember that this inner core is actually working on underground lines, despite legality of parties with which it is associated. 2. Rank and file of Communist Parties. Note distinction is drawn between those and persons defined in paragraph 1. This distinction has become much sharper in recent years. Whereas formerly foreign Communist Parties represented a curious (and from Moscow's standpoint often inconvenient) mixture of conspiracy and legitimate activity, now the conspiratorial element has been neatly concentrated in inner circle and ordered underground, while rank and file--no longer even taken into confidence about realities of movement--are thrust forward as bona fide internal partisans of certain political tendencies within their respective countries, genuinely innocent of conspiratorial connection with foreign states. Only in certain countries where communists are numerically strong do they now regularly appear and act as a body. As a rule they are used to penetrate, and to influence or dominate, as case may be, other organizations less likely to be suspected of being tools of Soviet Government, with a view to accomplishing their purposes through [apparent omission] organizations, rather than by direct action as a separate political party. 3. A wide variety of national associations or bodies which can be dominated or influenced by such penetration. These include: labor unions, youth leagues, women's organizations, racial societies, religious societies, social organizations, cultural groups, liberal magazines, publishing houses, etc. 4. International organizations which can be similarly penetrated through influence over various national components. Labor, youth and women's organizations are prominent among them. Particular, almost vital importance is attached in this connection to international labor movement. In this, Moscow sees possibility of sidetracking western governments in world affairs and building up international lobby capable of compelling governments to take actions favorable to Soviet interests in various countries and of paralyzing actions disagreeable to USSR 5. Russian Orthodox Church, with its foreign branches, and through it the Eastern Orthodox Church in general. 6. Pan-Slav movement and other movements (Azerbaijan, Armenian, Turcoman, etc.) based on racial groups within Soviet Union. 7. Governments or governing groups willing to lend themselves to Soviet purposes in one degree or another, such as present Bulgarian and Yugoslav Governments, North Persian regime, Chinese Communists, etc. Not only propaganda machines but actual policies of these regimes can be placed extensively at disposal of USSR It may be expected that component parts of this far-flung apparatus will be utilized in accordance with their individual suitability, as follows: (a) To undermine general political and strategic potential of major western powers. Efforts will be made in such countries to disrupt national self confidence, to hamstring measures of national defense, to increase social and industrial unrest, to stimulate all forms of disunity. All persons with grievances, whether economic or racial, will be urged to spelt redress not in mediation and compromise, but in defiant violent struggle for destruction of other elements of society. Here poor will be set against rich, black against white, young against old, newcomers against established residents, etc. (b) On unofficial plane particularly violent efforts will be made to weaken power and influence of Western Powers of [on] colonial backward, or dependent peoples. On this level, no holds will be barred. Mistakes and weaknesses of western colonial administration will be mercilessly exposed and exploited. Liberal opinion in Western countries will be mobilized to weaken colonial policies. Resentment among dependent peoples will be stimulated. And while latter are being encouraged to seek independence of Western Powers, Soviet dominated puppet political machines will be undergoing preparation to take over domestic power in respective colonial areas when independence is achieved. (c) Where individual governments stand in path of Soviet purposes pressure will be brought for their removal from office. This can happen where governments directly oppose Soviet foreign policy aims (Turkey, Iran), where they seal their territories off against Communist penetration (Switzerland, Portugal), or where they compete too strongly, like Labor Government in England, for moral domination among elements which it is important for Communists to dominate. (Sometimes, two of these elements are present in a single case. Then Communist opposition becomes particularly shrill and savage. [)] (d) In foreign countries Communists will, as a rule, work toward destruction of all forms of personal independence, economic, political or moral. Their system can handle only individuals who have been brought into complete dependence on higher power. Thus, persons who are financially independent--such as individual businessmen, estate owners, successful farmers, artisans and all those who exercise local leadership or have local prestige, such as popular local clergymen or political figures, are anathema. It is not by chance that even in USSR local officials are kept constantly on move from one job to another, to prevent their taking root. (e) Everything possible will be done to set major Western Powers against each other. Anti-British talk will be plugged among Americans, anti-American talk among British. Continentals, including Germans, will be taught to abhor both Anglo-Saxon powers. Where suspicions exist, they will be fanned; where not, ignited. No effort will be spared to discredit and combat all efforts which threaten to lead to any sort of unity or cohesion among other [apparent omission] from which Russia might be excluded. Thus, all forms of international organization not amenable to Communist penetration and control, whether it be the Catholic [apparent omission] international economic concerns, or the international fraternity of royalty and aristocracy, must expect to find themselves under fire from many, and often [apparent omission]. (f) In general, all Soviet efforts on unofficial international plane will be negative and destructive in character, designed to tear down sources of strength beyond reach of Soviet control. This is only in line with basic Soviet instinct that there can be no compromise with rival power and that constructive work can start only when Communist power is doming But behind all this will be applied insistent, unceasing pressure for penetration and command of key positions in administration and especially in police apparatus of foreign countries. The Soviet regime is a police regime par excellence, reared in the dim half world of Tsarist police intrigue, accustomed to think primarily in terms of police power. This should never be lost sight of in ganging Soviet motives. Part 5: [Practical Deductions From Standpoint of US Policy] In summary, we have here a political force committed fanatically to the belief that with US there can be no permanent modus vivendi that it is desirable and necessary that the internal harmony of our society be disrupted, our traditional way of life be destroyed, the international authority of our state be broken, if Soviet power is to be secure. This political force has complete power of disposition over energies of one of world's greatest peoples and resources of world's richest national territory, and is borne along by deep and powerful currents of Russian nationalism. In addition, it has an elaborate and far flung apparatus for exertion of its influence in other countries, an apparatus of amazing flexibility and versatility, managed by people whose experience and skill in underground methods are presumably without parallel in history. Finally, it is seemingly inaccessible to considerations of reality in its basic reactions. For it, the vast fund of objective fact about human society is not, as with us, the measure against which outlook is constantly being tested and re-formed, but a grab bag from which individual items are selected arbitrarily and tendenciously to bolster an outlook already preconceived. This is admittedly not a pleasant picture. Problem of how to cope with this force in [is] undoubtedly greatest task our diplomacy has ever faced and probably greatest it will ever have to face. It should be point of departure from which our political general staff work at present juncture should proceed. It should be approached with same thoroughness and care as solution of major strategic problem in war, and if necessary, with no smaller outlay in planning effort. I cannot attempt to suggest all answers here. But I would like to record my conviction that problem is within our power to solve--and that without recourse to any general military conflict.. And in support of this conviction there are certain observations of a more encouraging nature I should like to make: (1) Soviet power, unlike that of Hitlerite Germany, is neither schematic nor adventunstic. It does not work by fixed plans. It does not take unnecessary risks. Impervious to logic of reason, and it is highly sensitive to logic of force. For this reason it can easily withdraw--and usually does when strong resistance is encountered at any point. Thus, if the adversary has sufficient force and makes clear his readiness to use it, he rarely has to do so. If situations are properly handled there need be no prestige-engaging showdowns. (2) Gauged against Western World as a whole, Soviets are still by far the weaker force. Thus, their success will really depend on degree of cohesion, firmness and vigor which Western World can muster. And this is factor which it is within our power to influence. (3) Success of Soviet system, as form of internal power, is not yet finally proven. It has yet to be demonstrated that it can survive supreme test of successive transfer of power from one individual or group to another. Lenin's death was first such transfer, and its effects wracked Soviet state for 15 years. After Stalin's death or retirement will be second. But even this will not be final test. Soviet internal system will now be subjected, by virtue of recent territorial expansions, to series of additional strains which once proved severe tax on Tsardom. We here are convinced that never since termination of civil war have mass of Russian people been emotionally farther removed from doctrines of Communist Party than they are today. In Russia, party has now become a great and--for the moment--highly successful apparatus of dictatorial administration, but it has ceased to be a source of emotional inspiration. Thus, internal soundness and permanence of movement need not yet be regarded as assured. (4) All Soviet propaganda beyond Soviet security sphere is basically negative and destructive. It should therefore be relatively easy to combat it by any intelligent and really constructive program. For those reasons I think we may approach calmly and with good heart problem of how to deal with Russia. As to how this approach should be made, I only wish to advance, by way of conclusion, following comments: (1) Our first step must be to apprehend, and recognize for what it is, the nature of the movement with which we are dealing. We must study it with same courage, detachment, objectivity, and same determination not to be emotionally provoked or unseated by it, with which doctor studies unruly and unreasonable individual. (2) We must see that our public is educated to realities of Russian situation. I cannot over-emphasize importance of this. Press cannot do this alone. It must be done mainly by Government, which is necessarily more experienced and better informed on practical problems involved. In this we need not be deterred by [ugliness?] of picture. I am convinced that there would be far less hysterical anti-Sovietism in our country today if realities of this situation were better understood by our people. There is nothing as dangerous or as terrifying as the unknown. It may also be argued that to reveal more information on our difficulties with Russia would reflect unfavorably on Russian-American relations. I feel that if there is any real risk here involved, it is one which we should have courage to face, and sooner the better. But I cannot see what we would be risking. Our stake in this country, even coming on heels of tremendous demonstrations of our friendship for Russian people, is remarkably small. We have here no investments to guard, no actual trade to lose, virtually no citizens to protect, few cultural contacts to preserve. Our only stake lies in what we hope rather than what we have; and I am convinced we have better chance of realizing those hopes if our public is enlightened and if our dealings with Russians are placed entirely on realistic and matter-of-fact basis. (3) Much depends on health and vigor of our own society. World communism is like malignant parasite which feeds only on diseased tissue. This is point at which domestic and foreign policies meets Every courageous and incisive measure to solve internal problems of our own society, to improve self-confidence, discipline, morale and community spirit of our own people, is a diplomatic victory over Moscow worth a thousand diplomatic notes and joint communiqués. If we cannot abandon fatalism and indifference in face of deficiencies of our own society, Moscow will profit--Moscow cannot help profiting by them in its foreign policies. (4) We must formulate and put forward for other nations a much more positive and constructive picture of sort of world we would like to see than we have put forward in past. It is not enough to urge people to develop political processes similar to our own. Many foreign peoples, in Europe at least, are tired and frightened by experiences of past, and are less interested in abstract freedom than in security. They are seeking guidance rather than responsibilities. We should be better able than Russians to give them this. And unless we do, Russians certainly will. (5) Finally we must have courage and self-confidence to cling to our own methods and conceptions of human society. After Al, the greatest danger that can befall us in coping with this problem of Soviet communism, is that we shall allow ourselves to become like those with whom we are coping. KENNAN 800.00B International Red Day/2 - 2546: Airgram Source: https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/coldwar/documents/episode-1/kennan.htm

HIS MAJESTY's Most gracious SPEECH To both Houses of PARLIAMENT, On FRIDAY October 27, 1775.                        LONDON, October 28.                 YESTERDAY about noon his Majesty went from the Queen's Palace to St. James's, attended only by two footmen behind his coach. About ten minutes before two his Majesty got into the state coach, attended by the Duke of Ancanster and Lord Bruce, and proceeded to the House of Peers, where being seated on the Throne and a message having been sent to the Commons, requiring their attendance, his Majesty opened the present session of Parliament with the following Speech:         “ My Lords, and Gentlemen,                “THE present situation of America, and my constant desire to have your advice, concurrence, and assistance on every important occasion, have determined me to call you thus early together.         “Those who have long too successfully laboured to inflame my people in America by gross misrepresentations, and to infuse into their minds a system of opinions repugnant to the true constitution of the colonies, and to their subordinate relation to Great-Britain, now openly avow their revolt, hostility, and rebellion. They have raised troops, and are collecting a naval force; they have seized the public revenue, and assumed to themselves legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which they already exercise in the most arbitrary manner, over the persons and properties of their fellow subjects. And although many of these unhappy people may still retain their loyalty, and may be too wise not to see the fatal consequence of this usurpation, and wish to resist it, yet the torrent of violence has been strong enough to compel their acquiescence till a sufficient force shall appear to support them.         “The authors and promoters of this desperate conspiracy have, in the conduct of it, derived great advantage from the difference of our intentions and theirs. They meant only to amuse by vague expressions of attachment to the Parent State, and the strongest protestations of loyalty to me, whilst they were preparing for a general revolt. On our part, though it was declared in your last session that a rebellion existed within the province of the Massachusetts Bay; yet even that province we wished rather to reclaim than to subdue. The resolutions of Parliament breathed a spirit of moderation and forbearance; conciliatory propositions accompanied the measures taken to enforce authority; and the coercive acts were adapted to cases of criminal combinations amongst subjects not then in arms. I have acted with the same temper; anxious to prevent, if it had been possible, the effusion of the blood of my subjects; and the calamities which are inseparable from a state of war; still hoping that my people in America would have discerned the traiterous views of their leaders, and have been convinced, that to be a subject of Great Britain, with all its consequences, is to be the freest member of any civil society in the known world.         “The rebellious war now levied is become more general, and is manifestly carried on for the purpose of establishing an independent empire. I need not dwell upon the fatal effects of the success of such a plan. The object is too important, the spirit of the British nation too high, the resources with which God hath blessed her too numerous, to give up so many Colonies which she has planted with great industry, nursed with great tenderness, encouraged with many commercial advantages, and protected and defended at much expence of blood and treasure.         “It is now become the part of wisdom, and (in its effects) of clemency, to put a speedy end to these disorders by the most decisive exertions, For this purpose, I have increased my naval establishment, and greatly augmented my land forces; but in such a manner as may be the least burthensome to my kingdoms.         “I have also the satisfaction to inform you, that I have received the most friendly offers of foreign assistance; and if I shall make any treaties in consequence thereof, they shall be laid before you. And I have, in testimony of my affection for my people, who can have no cause in which I am not equally interested, sent to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port Mahon a part of my Electoral troops, in order that a larger number of the established forces of this kingdom may be applied to the maintenance of its authority; and the national militia, planned and regulated with equal regard to the rights, safety, and protection of my crown and people, may give a farther extent and activity to our military operations.         “When the unhappy and deluded multitude, against whom this force will be directed, shall become sensible of their error, I shall be ready to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy ! and in order to prevent the inconveniencies which may arise from the great distance of their situation, and to remove as soon as possible the calamities which they suffer, I shall give authority to certain persons upon the spot to grant general or particular pardons and indemnities, in such manner, and to such persons as they shall think fit, and to receive the submission of any Province or Colony which shall be disposed to return to its allegiance. It may be also proper to authorise the persons so commissioned to restore such Province or Colony, so returning to its allegiance, to the free exercise of its trade and commerce, and to the same protection and security as if such Province or Colony had never revolted.         “ Gentlemen of the House of Commons,                “I have ordered the proper estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you; and I rely on your affection to me, and your resolution to maintain the just rights of this country, for such supplies as the present circumstances of our affairs require. Among the many unavoidable ill consequences of this rebellion, none affects me more sensibly than the extra-ordinary burthen which it must create to my faithful subjects.         “ My Lords, and Gentlemen,                “I have fully opened to you my views and intentions. The constant employment of my thoughts, and the most earnest wishes of my heart, tend wholly to the safety and happiness of all my people, and to the re-establishment of order and tranquillity through the several parts of my dominions, in a close connection and constitutional dependance. You see the tendency of the present disorders, and I have stated to you the measures which I mean to pursue for suppressing them. Whatever remains to be done, that may farther contribute to this end, I commit to your wisdom. And I am happy to add, that, as well from the assurances I have received, as from the general appearance of affairs in Europe, I see no probability that the measures which you may adopt will be interrupted by disputes with any foreign power.” Source: https://www.loc.gov/resource/rbpe.10803800/?st=text&r=0.009,-0.068,1.253,1.361,0

October 28, 1789: New Jersey receives and begins deliberating the proposed amendments. November 6, 1789: Joint Committee of the New Jersey legislature recommends the ratification of all but the second of the 12 amendments. November 20, 1789: New Jersey ratifies 11 of the 12 proposed amendments. August 3, 1790: New Jersey certifies their ratification. August 4, 1790: New Jersey transmit their ratification to President Washington. August 6, 1790: President Washington addresses Congress on New Jersey's ratification. State of New Jersey An Act to ratify on the part of this State certain Amendments to the Constitution of the United States. Whereas the Congress of the United States begun and held at the City of New York on Wednesday the fourth Day of March one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine Resolved, two thirds of both houses concurring that sundry Articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which Articles when ratified by three fourths of the said Legislatures to be valid to all intents and purposes as part of the said Constitution: And Whereas the president of the United States did in pursuance of a Resolve of the Senate and house of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled transmit to the Governor of this State the amendments proposed by Congress which were by him laid before the Legislature for their Consideration, Wherefore, 1. Be it enacted by the Council and General Assembly of this State, and it is hereby enacted by the Authority of the same, That the following Articles proposed by Congress in Addition to and amendment of the Constitution of the United States, to wit, " Article the first.   After the first enumeration required by the first article of the Constitution there shall be one representative for every thirty thousand until the number shall amount to one hundred after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress that there shall be not less than one hundred representatives, nor less than one Representative for every forty thousand persons until the number of Representatives shall amount to two hundred after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress that there shall not be less than two hundred representatives, nor more than one Representative for every fifty thousand persons. Article the third.   Congress shall make no law respecting an Establishment of Religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of Speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to Assemble and to Petition the Government for a redress of grievances. Article the Fourth.   A well regulated Militia being necessary to the Security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms shall not be infringed. Article the Fifth.   No Soldier shall in time of peace be Quartered in any House, without the Consent of the owner, nor in time of War but in a manner to be prescribed by Law. Article the Sixth.   The right of the People to be secure in their persons, Houses, Papers, and effects against unreasonable Searches and Seizures shall not be violated and no Warrants shall issue but upon probable cause supported by Oath or Affirmation and particularly discribing the place to be searched and the person or things to be seized. Article the Seventh.   No person shall be held to answer for a Capital, or otherwise infamous Crime unless on a presentment or Indictment of a Grand Jury except in cases arising in the land or Naval forces, or in the Militia when in actual Service in time of War or public danger nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in Jeopardy of life or limb nor shall be compelled in any Criminal case to be a Witness against himself nor be deprived of life liberty or property without due process of law nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. Article the eighth.   In all criminal Prosecutions the Accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public tryal by an impartial Jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed which district shall have been previously ascertained by Law and to be informed of the nature and cause of the Accusation to be confronted with the Witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining Witnesses in his favour and to have the assistance of Counsel for his defence. Article the Ninth.   In Suits at common Law where the Value in controversy shall exceed twenty Dollars the right of tryal by Jury shall be preserved and no fact tryed by a Jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States than according to the Rules of the common Law. Article the Tenth.   Excessive Bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. Article the eleventh.   The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others Retained by the People. Article the twelfth.   The Powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." be and the same are hereby ratified and adopted by the State of New Jersey. Council Chamber Nov.m 20th—1789 This Bill having been three times read in Council. Resolved, That the same do pass.  By Order of the House Wil. Livingston Pres'd. House of Assembly November 19th 1789 This Bill having been three times read in this House Resolved That the same do pass.    By Order of the House John Beatty Speaker      An Act to ratify on the part of this State certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States House of Assembly November 19th 1789 This Bill having been three times read in this House is pased. Maskell Ewing Council Chamber Nov.m 20th 1789 This Bill having been three times read in Council is passed. — B. Reed Source: https://www.nj.gov/state/archives/doc1st10thamendments.html